Tags: apfel, brookings institution, bush administration, bush tax cuts, center on budget and policy priorities, david de ferranti, deputy director, economic effects, fiscal year 2005, fiscal year 2005 budget, henry griggs, henry j aaron, lav, policy proposals, report questions, robert greenstein, tax returns, tulane law school, urban institute, vice chair,
NEWS
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: CONTACT: Henry Griggs
RELEASE Revised Friday, April 23, 2004 202-408-1080
_________
TAX RETURNS
New Report Questions Effectiveness,
820 First Street, NE, Suite 510
Washington, DC 20002
Design of Bush Tax Cuts through 2004 and Beyond
Tel: 202-408-1080
Fax: 202-408-1056 A new study of three years of Administration tax cuts, issued by the
center@cbpp.org Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, finds adverse fiscal, distributional, and
www.cbpp.org long-term economic effects from the tax cuts. The study, Tax Returns: A
________________________
Comprehensive Assessment of the Bush Administration Tax Cuts, represents
Robert Greenstein
Executive Director perhaps the most comprehensive analysis yet issued of the effects of the tax cuts,
Iris J. Lav synthesizing previous findings on both the 2001, 2002, and 2003 tax cuts and the
Deputy Director
________________________
tax policy proposals in the Administration's fiscal year 2005 budget and featuring
significant new data from the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy
Board of Directors
Center.
David de Ferranti, Chair
The World Bank
Among the study's highlights:
John R. Kramer, Vice Chair
Tulane Law School
Henry J. Aaron · The average tax cut for the top one percent of households will
Brookings Institution be nearly $35,000 this year, 54 times the average tax cut of
Ken Apfel $647 that the middle fifth of households will receive. This
University of Texas
finding is based on a new analysis by the Tax Policy Center that
Barbara B. Blum
Columbia University examines the effects of all components of the tax cuts and is the
Marian Wright Edelman
first comprehensive Tax Policy Center analysis to be based on a
Children's Defense Fund revised and improved Tax Policy Center model that fully
James O. Gibson incorporates the corporate and estate tax reductions.
Center for the Study of Social
Policy
· The tax cuts will bestow more than $30 billion in 2004 on the
Beatrix Hamburg, M.D.
Cornell Medical College 257,000 households with incomes exceeding $1 million, with
Frank Mankiewicz these households securing average tax cuts of $123,600 each.
Hill and Knowlton The $30+ billion in tax cuts that these "millionaires" will receive
Richard P. Nathan in 2004 far exceeds the total amount of tax cuts that the nearly 29
Nelson A Rockefeller Institute
of Government million households who comprise the middle fifth of the U.S.
Marion Pines
population will get.
Johns Hopkins University
Sol Price
Chairman, The Price Company Distribution of Tax-Cut Benefits in 2004
(Retired)
(reflects tax cuts enacted since 2001)
Robert D. Reischauer % increase
Urban Institute Average % share of
Income Class in after-tax
tax cut tax cut
Audrey Rowe income
ACS, Inc.
Middle 20 percent $647 2.3% 8.9%
Susan Sechler
Rockefeller Foundation Top one percent $34,992 5.3% 24.2%
Juan Sepulveda, Jr. Over $1 million $123,592 6.4% 15.3%
The Common Experience/
San Antonio Source: Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center
William Julius Wilson
Harvard University
· The tax cuts were not well designed to stimulate a weak economy. Only eight
to 14 percent of the 2003 tax-cut package, which was promoted as being
necessary to boost economic recovery, consists of high "bang-for-the-buck" tax
cuts that will be provided by the end of fiscal year 2004. (A high bang-for-the-
buck proposal is one that increases economic "demand" in the short term by more
than one dollar for each dollar of lost tax revenue.) The tax cuts consequently
have produced significantly less economic stimulus than could have been
provided for the same (or less) budgetary cost. The failure of policymakers to
design and enact more effective stimulus measures has likely contributed to job
creation being more meager during this recovery than in other recoveries since the
end of World War II.
· From 2005 through 2014, the increased interest payments on the debt that
will result from the tax cuts will amount to approximately $1.1 trillion, if the
tax cuts are made permanent and the other tax-cut proposals in the
Administration's fiscal year 2005 budget are enacted. The interest payments
would reach $218 billion in 2014.
· Without the tax cuts,
deficits would be Deficits With and Without the Tax Cuts
(billions of dollars, 2000-2014)
modest over the next
$300
ten years and be
$200
below $100 billion in
$100
2014. By contrast, with 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
$0
the Administration's
-$100
tax-cut policies, the Deficits Without
-$200
deficit is likely to grow Tax Cuts
to approximately $677 -$300
billion by 2014. -$400
-$500 Deficits With Tax Cuts
"The tax cuts have contributed -$600
to federal revenues, measured as a -$700
share of the economy, dropping to
their lowest level since the Truman Administration, and have conferred the greatest benefits on
households at the highest income levels," said Isaac Shapiro, senior fellow at the Center on
Budget and Policy Priorities and co-author of the study. "The tax cuts also have produced less
economic stimulus and job growth than could have been accomplished with the same or even
lesser amounts of resources, because the tax cuts were poorly designed to respond to the
economic slump."
Shapiro added: "The problems that the tax cuts pose are likely to grow more severe if the
tax cuts are made permanent, since the persistent, large deficits to which they would be a major
contributing factor are likely to slow future economic growth, saddle future generations with
sizable interest payments on a greatly enlarged national debt, and leave the nation ill-prepared
for the retirement of baby boomers."
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Other significant findings from the study include the following.
Bulk of Middle-Class Tax Cuts Could Have Been Provided at One-Third the Cost
The tax cuts enacted over the past three years include three major "middle-class"
provisions: the provisions establishing the 10 percent tax bracket, expanding the Child Tax
Credit, and providing tax relief to married couples. These three tax cuts were enacted in 2001
and became fully effective in 2003, when their implementation was accelerated.
These three provisions provide substantial help to the broad middle class. These
measures also provide significant tax benefits to high-income households. The middle fifth of
households will receive an average tax cut of $547 in 2004 from these provisions. The top one
percent of households will receive an average tax cut of $1,320 from these measures.
But the distribution of tax benefits under the other tax-cut provisions enacted in the past
three years is far less evenly distributed. The new Tax Policy Center data show that the top one
percent of households will receive an average tax cut in 2004 of $33,700 from the other tax-cut
provisions. By contrast, the middle fifth of households will receive an average tax cut of just
$100 from these other provisions.
The study also finds that these three middle-class provisions would account for only
about one-third of the cost of the tax cuts when the Administration's tax cuts were fully in effect.
The bulk of the tax-cut benefits that the middle class will receive thus could have been provided
for about one-third of the long-term cost that the Treasury will bear if the Administration's full
tax-cut agenda is enacted, with nearly all of the recent tax cuts being made permanent and some
new tax cuts being added on top.
Long-Term Costs and Distributional Effects
If the Administration's tax-cut agenda is approved (and relief from the swelling
Alternative Minimum Tax is continued, as most observers expect it will be), future costs will be
extremely large.
· Over the 10-year period from 2005 through 2014, the tax cuts will increase
federal deficits by nearly $4 trillion. This includes the cost of the increased
interest payments that will have to be paid on the national debt.
· Over the next 75 years, the cost of the tax cuts would be more than three times the
size of the Social Security shortfall, and larger than the shortfalls in the Social
Security and Medicare Hospital Insurance trust funds combined.
As uneven as the distribution of the tax cuts is in 2004, the distribution will become still
more uneven over time. The tax cuts of greatest benefit to the middle class already are fully in
effect. Some of the tax cuts of most benefit to high-income households, however -- such as the
elimination of the estate tax -- are only partly in effect now or have not yet begun to take effect.
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The Very Well-Off: Big Winners on Two Fronts
In addition to the large tax cuts they are now receiving, high-income households secured huge
gains in income in the 1980s and 1990s. Just-released Congressional Budget Office data for the years
from 1979-2001, the most comprehensive data available on recent changes in incomes and taxes for
different income groups, show:
· The average after-tax income of the top one percent of the population more than doubled
over this period, rising from $294,300 in 1979 to $703,100 in 2001, an increase of 139
percent. (These figures are adjusted for inflation.)
· By contrast, the average after-tax income of households that make up the middle fifth of
the U.S. population rose $6,300, or 17 percent, during this period. The average after-tax
income of the poorest fifth of households rose $1,100, or eight percent.
Jobs and Economic Growth
Job growth during this recovery might have lagged well behind that of previous
recoveries even if recent economic policies had been better designed. Nonetheless, the unusually
poor job growth of the past couple of years suggests the Administration's tax cuts have fallen
well short of accomplishing one of their stated goals.
· Employment remains substantially below its level at the start of the downturn, a
development unparalleled this far into a post-World War II recovery. Substantial
job growth typically occurs by this point.
· The Economic Policy Institute has compared actual job growth since the summer
of 2003 to the level of job growth the Administration predicted would occur with
passage of the 2003 tax cut. The Administration predicted that with passage of
that measure, 5.5 million jobs would be created in the 18 months from June 2003
through December 2004. Employment figures through March 2004, however,
indicate that in the first half of this 18-month period, only 689,000 jobs were
created. This amounts to just 13 percent of the Administration's jobs projection.
Overall economic growth also has been below par. Whether measured from the start of
the recession or the end of the recession, the economy has grown more slowly in the past few
years than it grew, on average, at comparable stages of other post-World War II recoveries.
The Administration's Story
The Administration has highlighted the tax-cut benefits the middle class has received and
also has promoted its tax cuts as being highly beneficial to groups such as small business owners.
The Center's study finds much of the information the Administration has put forward on these
matters has been selective or misleading. As one example, President Bush has often cited the
"average" tax cut that American families are receiving. The large majority of families, however,
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are getting considerably less than this "average" amount. The tax cut that the typical household
will receive in 2004 is less than half the amount that the President has described as being the
"average" tax cut this year. The Administration's average tax-cut figures are skewed upward by
the inclusion of the very large tax cuts going to a relatively small number of very affluent
taxpayers.
Administration officials also have touted the benefits to small business owners of the
reductions in the top income tax rate. But Treasury Department data show that the top-rate
reduction benefits only two percent of small business owners.
The Center's study concludes that the majority of Americans are likely to end up worse
off over time as a result of the tax cuts, because action ultimately will need to be taken to rein in
burgeoning deficits and pay for the tax cuts. "Because the tax cuts are so tilted toward the
highest-income households," said Joel Friedman, a senior fellow at the Center and co-author of
the report, "the burden of financing these lopsided tax cuts eventually is likely to be borne
disproportionately by households that have gained only modestly from the tax cuts. This will be
the case unless offsetting spending cuts or tax increases are enacted that reduce benefits or raise
taxes primarily on high-income households, an unlikely scenario. Over the long term, most
Americans may well end up as net losers from the tax cuts."
The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization and policy
institute that conducts research and analysis on a range of government policies and programs. It is supported
primarily by foundation grants.
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