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Public Health Chronicles PUBLIC RESPONSES TO INTIMATE …

Tags: armed robbery, battered woman, criminal justice system, criminal trials, early 1900s, family members, future child, glance, homicide, intimate violence, jd, late 1800s, martha, public health, public response, public responses, ramsey, serial murders, syndrome defense, violent crimes,
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Public Health Chronicles

PUBLIC RESPONSES TO INTIMATE                             publicresponsestointimateviolencewereinadequate,
VIOLENCE: A GLANCE AT THE PAST                           newlydiscoveredhistoricaldataindicatesthatfeminist
                                                         criminal-lawresearchers,suchasmyself,mustreexam-
                                                         inetheunderpinningsofourtheories.
CarolynB.Ramsey,MA,JD                                       Recentresearchalsounearthsthepre-historyofthe
                                                         "battered woman's syndrome defense."3 In modern
In2004,aCaliforniajurysentencedScottPetersonto           criminal trials, battered woman's syndrome evidence
death for killing his wife and future child.1 Peterson   bolstersthecredibilityofwomenwhokilltheirbatter-
isananomalyondeathrow,whichismostlyoccupied              ersbyexplainingthat"learnedhelplessness"prevents
by men who committed serial murders, killed law-         suchwomenfromleavingabusiverelationshipsbefore
enforcement officers, or caused death during other       they escalate to homicide.15 Another interpretation,
violent crimes, such as armed robbery.2 Yet, the out-    favored by Martha Mahoney and others, depicts the
comeofhiscaserecallsanineteenth-centurytradition         femaledefendant'splightinlesspathologicaltermsas
of executing men for murdering their lovers, wives,      partofanongoingstruggleforpowerandcontrol.16
or other family members.3 Although no adequate           Both modern approaches suggest that, when assess-
public response to the problem of intimate violence      ingtheculpabilityofabatteredwomanwhokills,the
was achieved in the past, the criminal justice system    jury should be allowed to take her history of abuse
sufferedfromdifferentflawsandbiasesinthisregard          intoaccount.Noformalbatteredwoman'ssyndrome
thanonemightexpect.                                      defense existed in the late 1800s and early 1900s.
                                                         However,juriesandcourtsimplicitlyrecognizedone
                                                         andevenextendedittowomenwhokilledtoavenge
A REVISIONIST VIEW
                                                         infidelityorabandonment.3Indeed,thepaternalistic
Lackofattentiontonon-lethalintimateviolencemay           understanding of social relations that was prevalent
have been "the normal state of affairs" throughout       in the Victorian era tended to equate physical and
most of American history.4 Prior to the 1980s, only      emotionalmaltreatmentofwomen.
the colonial era (especially 1640 to 1680) and the          Theharshattitudeofjurorsandotherlegalactors
lateVictorianera(especially1870to1890)witnessed          toward men who perpetrated intimate murders, and
sustainedeffortstocurbwife-beatingand"unnatural          thecorrespondingsympathyforabusedwomen,har-
severity" toward children.4 However, scholars have       monized with a wide array of late Victorian cultural
overstated the level of public apathy toward men's       forms.Judicialopinions,familyconductmanuals,and
homicidalaggressionagainstwomen.Leadingcriminal          thepublicmessagesofpoliticalleaderslikeTheodore
lawcasebooks,5numerouslawreviewarticles,6,7,8,9and       Roosevelt, who denounced wife-beating, associated
booksbyinfluentialAmericanlegalscholarsandhisto-         manlinesswithprotectionofthefemalesex.3Ofcourse,
rians10,11,12,13,14repeattheerroneousclaimthat,inthe     paternalisticeffortstostopmaleabuseofwomendid
past,thelegaldoctrinesofself-defenseandprovocation       notgouncontested.Yet,theineptitudeofthestatein
endorsedmen'sbrutality,whereaswomenwereseverely          curbingsuchabusewasattributabletothedeficiency
punishedforperpetratingintimateviolence.                 andcorruptionofearlypolicing,aswellastocultural
   Infact,theconversewastrue.Dataculledfromdusty         conflictovertheroleofviolenceinfamilygovernment.
criminalcasefilesinNewYorkandColoradodemon-              Itwasnottheproductofahegemonicgenderideology
strate that, in both the eastern and western United      tolerantofextremeviolenceagainstwomen.3
States, men accused of killing their intimates often
receivedsternpunishment,whilewomenchargedwith
                                                         LENIENT TREATMENT OF ABUSED WOMEN
similarcrimesweretreatedwithleniency.3Moreover,
                                                         WHO COMMITTED INTIMATE HOMICIDE
the capital punishment of men who murdered their
lovers, spouses, orother familymembersconstituted        Throughout history, men have committed homicide
a higher percentage of total executions in the late      more often than women have.17 But women some-
nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesthantoday.3          times killed their intimates, and when they did, two
Thus, despite widespread scholarly agreement that        outcomeswereprevalent:acquittalorconvictionfora


460                                              PublicHealthReports / July­August2006 / Volume121
                                                                      PublicHealthChronicles  461


lessseriousoffensethanmurder.3Juriesseemtohave            SEVERE PUNISHMENT OF MEN
basedacquittalseitherontheinsanitydefenseoron             WHO KILLED THEIR INTIMATES
aself-defensetheorythatlookedtopastabuse,rather
than simply focusing on the specific incident during      Theoutcomesformenchargedwithintimatehomicide
whichthehomicideoccurred.                                 inthelate1800sandearly1900sdifferedsubstantially
    Self-defense theories often succeeded when the        fromthoseforfemaledefendants.3,17Atcriminallaw,
homicidevictimwasanadultman.InNewYorkin1891,              theheat-of-passiondoctrineofferedthemostpromis-
forexample,EllaNelsonwasexculpatedforkillingher           ingdefensestrategyforamanwhokilledhisunfaith-
philanderingloverwhenhethreatenedherwithapis-             ful wife. The idea behind this doctrine was that the
tol.3AjuryinthesamecityexoneratedMariaBarbieri            deceased'soutrageousconductcausedthedefendant
athersecondtrialafteranappellatecourtruledthat            tolosecontrolofhisemotionsandflyintoahomicidal
evidenceofherseduction,rape,andabandonmentby              fury.Asuccessfulheat-of-passionclaimledtoaconvic-
thedeceasedwererelevanttounderstandingwhyshe              tionformanslaughter,ratherthanmurder.However,
slashedhisthroatinasaloon.3Morethanathousand              whilemanyfeministscholarshavedisparagedtheheat-
milesaway,aColoradojuryacquittedadomesticservant          of-passiondoctrineforpunishingintimatekillingsless
who fatally shot her abusive employer--a man with         harshly than a lethal attack by a stranger,6,7,9,12,18 data
whomshealsohadasexualrelationship.3                       from the west and the northeast show that neither
   Bycontrast,theidealofthenurturingmothermade            judges nor all-male juries in those regions felt much
insanityclaimstheonlyroutetoacquittalforwomen             empathyformenchargedwithkillingtheirwives.3
whointentionallykilledtheirchildren.Forinstance,in            Underthecommonlaw,theheat-of-passiondefense
1890,NewYorkerWilhelmineLebkuchnerwasfound                was limited to five forms of provocation: extreme
notguiltybyreasonofinsanityaftershekilledhersmall         assault or battery on the defendant; mutual combat;
sons by putting rat poison in their tea. Lebkuchner       illegalarrestofthedefendant;injuryorseriousabuse
resumedworkasalaundressfollowingheracquittal,             ofacloserelative;andsuddendiscoveryofaspouse's
ratherthanbeinginstitutionalized.3                        adultery.19Adefendantwasineligibleforheat-of-pas-
   Thedegreeofmoraldenunciationdirectedatthe              sion mitigation if he merely suspected infidelity, but
menwhoallegedlydrovethesefemaledefendantsto               hadnotactuallycaughthiswifeinthesexact,20orif
killconstitutesthemostremarkableaspectofthecases.         enough time elapsed between the provocation and
Evenchild-murderersoftencontendedthattheyhad              the homicide for his emotions to cool.21 As I have
beenrenderedinsanebymaltreatmentatthehandsof              demonstratedinanotherpaper,"TrialjudgesinColo-
ahusbandormalerelative.Forinstance,Lebkuchner             radoandNewYorkoftenrefusedtoinstruct[juries]
allegedthatherbrother-in-lawdisownedherafterher           onprovocationbecausetheevidenceshowedcooling
husband's death, leaving her destitute and terrified      timeorotherfactorsprecludingthedefenseasamat-
thatshewouldlosecustodyofherchildren.3Atleast             ter of law."3 Such convictions were typically affirmed
until1920,whenfemalesgainedaconstitutionalright           onappeal.3
tovote,theidealman"remainedprotectiveofwomen                  Somestatesabandonedboththecommon-lawprovo-
anddisplayedreverencefortheirpresumptivelygreater         cationcategoriesandthecooling-timerestrictioninthe
moralpurity."3Amanwhobeat,raped,orabandoneda              latetwentiethcentury.22Bycontrast,courtsandjuries
womanfailedinhisdutytoprotecttheso-calledweaker           inthe1800sandearly1900sreturnedcapitalverdicts
sex; his actions thus justified or at least excused the   for "male defendants who claimed that simmering
woman'shomicidalresponse.                                 jealousy,anger,orfearledthemtocommithomicide."3
   Female defendants who defied gender norms by           Scholarsthereforemustavoidthehastyassumptionthat
drinkingorengaginginillicitsexcouldexpectharsher          themoderncriminaljusticesystempunishesintimate
verdictsthanthosewhoplayedmoretraditionalroles.           killersmorerigorouslythanitdidinthepast.
However,whenjuriesfoundsuchdeviantwomenguilty                 The relative severity of outcomes for men in the
ofanycriminalhomicide,theytypicallyconvictedthem          late Victorian and Progressive eras stemmed from
of milder, non-capital offenses.3 Female defendants'      social values that associated manliness with sobriety,
testimonyaboutbeingbrutallyabusedbytheiralleged           industry,andself-restraint,aswellaswithprotectiveness
victims counterbalanced their violation of Victorian      toward women. The norms underpinning the stern
prescriptions for proper feminine behavior. Juries        treatmentofmaledefendantswerenot,inanysense,
thus spared them from long prison sentences or the        feminist. However, they were gender-biased in a way
deathpenalty.                                             thatbenefitedwomen.Indeed,"verdictsexonerating



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womenduetotheirvictims'pastviolenceorromantic            mate murders committed by American men during
inconstancy contrasted with the lack of empathy for      the late Victorian and Progressive eras, the picture
similarstorieswhenamanwasontrial."3Jurieseven            that emerges from historical study is not a pretty or
convicted men of first-degree murder in the face of      comfortingone.Thesystemtoooftenpunishedmen
insanityclaims,whichoftenledtotheexculpationof           for killing, but not for inflicting non-lethal violence.
femaledefendants.3                                       Menwhodiedonthegallowsorintheelectricchair
                                                         camedisproportionatelyfromthelower-classandnon-
                                                         white population.3 Moreover, even the willingness of
THE FAILURE TO PREVENT INTIMATE
                                                         courtsandjurorstoconsiderpast-abuseevidencewhen
VIOLENCE FROM OCCURRING
                                                         female defendants stood trial for intimate murder
Datashowingthedisparityinoutcomesformaleand              stemmed from paternalistic attitudes about women's
female murder defendants do not explain "why the         supposedweakness.
public criminal justice system in the late nineteenth        Inthefinalanalysis,thebestthatcanbesaidisthat
andearlytwentiethcenturiespunishedintimatemur-           thelackofaneffectivepolicyagainstintimateviolence
ders[committedbymen],butfailedtopreventthem              inthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesdid
fromoccurring.Theproblemofintimateviolencewas            notarisefromamaleconspiracyagainstwomen.Such
allowedtofesteruntilitproducedautopsies,coroner's        aconclusioncorrectsoverstatementsinthescholarly
inquisitions,andmurdertrials,inadditiontobruises         literaturebutdoesnotexoneratethecriminaljustice
and broken bones."3 While several scholars describe      system,thenornow,forfailingtoremedythecrisisof
thereluctanceofbothprivatesocietiesandthestate           uncheckedviolenceinintimaterelationships.
tointerveneonabusedwomen'sbehalf,4,23thereasons
forsuchreluctancearenotwellunderstood.                   CarolynB.RamseyisanAssociateProfessorofLawattheUniver-
                                                         sityofColoradoLawSchool.ProfessorRamseywritesonhistorical
   Several alternate explanations besides sexism may
                                                         andmodernaspectsofcriminallaw,criminalprocedure,and
be possible. First, at the end of the nineteenth cen-    genderissues.Shereceivedalawdegreeandamaster'sdegreein
tury,policeforcesincitieslikeNewYorkandDenver            historyfromStanfordUniversity.
were understaffed and controlled by the political           Asubstantialamountofthematerialpresentedhereisdrawn
machine.24,25Ihavearguedelsewherethat"thedecline         directlyfromProf.Ramsey'sarticle,"IntimateHomicide:Gender
                                                         andCrimeControl,1880­1920"(UnivColoLRev2006;77:101-
ofneighborlyandfamilyinterventionagainstintimate
                                                         91)withthepermissionoftheUniversityofColoradoLawReview
violencethrusttheproblemonapoliceforcethatwas            editorialboard.Readerswithaninterestinintimateviolence,
toocorruptandbrutaltohandleiteffectively."3Second,       genderissues,ortheprosecutionandpunishmentofhomicide
the unwillingness of terrified victims to report abuse   shouldconsultthefullversionintheUniversityofColoradoLaw
hamperedthearrestandprosecutionofbatterers,just          Review.
as it does today. This underreporting stemmed both
from fearof violentreprisalsandfrom thesocioeco-         REFERENCES
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