Tags: bernardo a huberman, correlations, demographic data, disclosures, disparities, eytan adar, genetic information, hp labs, information age, information privacy, marital status, monetary value, palo alto ca, personal data, price auction, private data, public sphere, self disclosure, specific services, trade offs,
Valuating Privacy
Bernardo A. Huberman, Eytan Adar and Leslie R. Fine
HP Labs, 1501 Page Mill Road, Palo Alto CA, 94304
Abstract
In spite of the widespread concerns expressed about the importance of privacy,
individuals frequently give away or sell a myriad of personal data. How and
why people decide to transition their information from the private to the public
sphere is poorly understood. To address this puzzle, we conducted a reverse
second-price auction to identify the monetary value of private information to
individuals and how that value is set. Our results demonstrate that the more
undesirable the trait with respect to the group, whether perceived or actual,
impacts the price demanded to reveal private information.
Privacy is a central issue of concern in the information age. Because of the
ease with which data about individuals can be obtained, aggregated and
dispersed, information technology can broadcast an individual's secrets to
unintended recipients who in turn can use it in ways that the individual no
longer controls. While it is clear why this would be a concern with financial data
and genetic information that could lead to identity abuse and discrimination, it
is also true for other relatively harmless information such as a person's gender,
salary, age, marital status or shopping preferences.
Several survey-based techniques have already revealed correlations between
individual self-disclosures and demographic data[1-4]. For example, the
Jourard Self-Disclosure Questionnaire reveals to whom a person discloses
information but fails to capture the specific value of that data. More recent
work[5,12] has further clarified the privacy trade-offs that individuals are willing
to make in order to access specific services, while pointing out the disparities
between stated privacy attitudes and actions.
At the root of the decision to transition private data into the public sphere lies
an issue left unaddressed in any quantitative manner; that is, how much do
people truly value their secrets, and to what extent is that valuation contextual?
By contextual we mean valuation that depends on the characteristics of the
group learning of the private data. Our conjecture and motivation is that people
are willing to reveal information whenever they feel that they are somewhat
typical or positively atypical compared to the social group.
In order to test this hypothesis, we conducted experiments that revealed the
true value that people place on their private data. Specifically, we tested
whether desirability or undesirability of a trait is the dominant factor in dictating
how a person values a piece of information. We find with great significance (in
excess of 95% statistical confidence) that a linear relationship exists between
the individuals trait and the price, i.e. the lesser the desirability of that trait the
greater the price demanded for that information. Furthermore, we find that
small deviations in a socially positive direction are associated with a lower
demanded price.
By treating private information as a real good[13,14], our economic experiment
was designed to determine the value of that information by offering to purchase
it from subjects and reveal it to the group, in effect eliciting the individual's
`privacy calculus'[7,15,16]. Subjects were told that they would participate in a
reverse second-price auction for personal data, i.e., the individual demanding
the least for the information was paid the second lowest demanded price. In
exchange for this compensation, and after verification, the individual had to
reveal that piece of information to the other auction participants. The
financially competitive nature of the auction, coupled with the fact that all
participants had to anonymously submit their private data along with their
demanded price, allowed us to extract the value that each individual placed on
disclosing the private information.
We considered weight and age as an example of a type of privacy that most
people value, which one can verify instantly and does not have financial or
identity-theft repercussions. A post experimental questionnaire, which
presented hypothetical bidding scenarios on financial data, also asked all
participants questions about their attitudes towards privacy, self-perception of
weight, beliefs about the other players in the room, who they knew in the
session and how well.
Of the two auctions, the one for weight (127 participants) displays the strongest
effects. Figure 1 depicts the relationship between weight (normalized as the
Body Mass Index, or BMI), binned by percentile, and (log) price requested to
make that information public. A Kruskal-Wallis ANOVA1 test (used throughout)
Figure 1
Kruskal-Wallis Anova1 Analysis of
Log of Price Bid, in Bins based on BMI Percentiles
2
Mean BMI
1.8
1.6
p-value = 0.018
1.4
Log of Price Bid
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
20th 40th 60th 80th 100th
BMI Percentile
reveals statistical significance (p = 0.019) with a distinct visual trend in the
average price as a function of BMI. Those individuals weighing slightly below
average, an "ideal" weight by cultural standards did not require a lot of money
for publicizing this. On the other hand, those who weighed more and who may
fear embarrassment or stigmatization[17-19] demanded more. Interestingly,
while a characteristic such as weight can be visually inferred by anyone, it is
still considered private. Such behavior is potentially linked to both our internal
(potentially false) beliefs on how the group perceives us as well as self-
perception[20,21].
To test the impact of self-perception factors, each subject completed a survey
indicating if they believed themselves to be "very under, somewhat under,
average, somewhat over, or very over" in relation to the average weight of the
other subjects. Binned by these categories, the results are even more striking
than actual weight. Once again, those who perceived themselves to be very
underweight indicated that they would reveal weight information for a small
amount of money. As perception of weight relative to average increases so
does the price demanded. As can be seen in Figure 2, the slightly higher price
demanded by the lowest weight group in Figure 1 disappears when binning by
perception. This suggests that while certain subjects had a low weight in
Figure 2
Kruskal-Wallis Anova1 Analysis of
Log of Price Bid, in Bins based on Feelings on Weight
2
1.8
p-value = 0.0038
1.6
1.4
Log of Price Bid
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Somewhat Underweight (N=17) Average (N=59) Somewhat Overweight (N=44) Very Overweight (N=6)
Self Described Feelings of Own Weight
reality, they did not perceive themselves as such and priced their information
accordingly.
While weaker than the trends noted in the weight auctions, the results of the
age auction showed similar tendencies (age data was gathered for seven of the
ten experiments, representing 88 participants). An analysis of the log price bid
in bins based on subject age (range of 23-62, average 40) showed a slight
increase with age (p = .17). However, it is notable that for the two extreme
bins we do find a significant log price difference (.665 or $3.62 versus 1.28 or
$18.05, p = .0297) implying that the very young subjects are more willing to
reveal their age than the older ones and that the large (middle) population
segments have similar privacy demands. In contrast to the weight auctions,
the smaller demand differences by different age group segments may also
indicate that age information is less sensitive than weight. This interpretation is
supported by the difference in average demand price for the two auctions
($57.56 for age versus $74.06 for weight).
In contrast to age information, which appears to be less privacy sensitive than
weight, we also studied price demands for salary, spousal salary, credit rating,
and savings. As part of the survey participants were asked to imagine they
were participating in auctions for this data and to indicate how much they would
demand. In these simulated auctions, the percentage of individuals demanding
more than $100 was 48%, 36%, 24%, 38% for salary (77 participants), spousal
salary (52), credit rating (78), and savings (77) respectively. All are relatively
high in comparison to weight and age auctions where only 5.5% and 3.5%
respectively demanded more than $100. This additional cost may be in part
related to social taboos that prevent open discussion of information such as
salary in order to prevent conflict, and indicates that setting correct auction
limits is critical. Further, because many subjects knew each other in a
professional context they may be forced to evaluate the potential future impacts
of revealing financial information. It is also likely that just as the BMI
normalization was a better metric than raw weight, factors such as occupation,
years on the job, etc. may help to explain noisy trends in the pricing data.
It is also worth considering how general privacy attitudes impact the price
demanded to reveal private information. The post-auction survey asked the
general question, "How important to you is your personal privacy information..."
with options for critical, very important, somewhat important, and unimportant.
Figure 3 depicts the weight prices binned by these categories. While not
insignificant (p = .056), general privacy attitudes are clearly not as strong as
other factors.
Our survey also attempted to extract the number of auction participants known
to each subject. In the weight auction, those individuals who were in the top
50th percentile in terms of demanded price on the average knew 36% of others
present, whereas the bottom 50th percentile knew 23% (p = .05), suggesting
that individuals are less reluctant to reveal information to an anonymous
audience ("phenomenon of the stranger"[21]). Unfortunately, most subjects
were familiar with approximately the same number of people and so no effect is
seen when binning based on the percent of people known versus price. Thus
the effect, given our population, can at best be considered weak.
We found very slight behavioral variations between genders. For example, in
the weight auction, men on average demanded a log price of .847 ($6.03)
whereas women demanded 1.13 ($12.49, p = .15). Of the seven individuals
demanding "infinity," six were women. Examining the trends in price demanded
as a function of perceived weight, both curves display a marked upward trend,
however the male trend appears better defined (p = .0037 for the male trend, p
= .2 for female). For women, this result may be due in part to the distribution
Figure 3
Kruskal-Wallis Anova1 Analysis of
Log of Price Bid, in Bins based Privacy Attitudes
2
1.8
p-value = 0.054
1.6
1.4
Log of Price Bid
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Critical (N=28) Very Important (N=61) Somewhat Important (N=35) Not Important (N=4)
Answer to Question regarding Importance of Privacy
of responses (e.g. only one subject considered herself underweight). Female
subjects believing themselves to be "average" displayed a broad variation in
price, and comparing only the "somewhat over" to the "somewhat under" is
significant at p = .099.
In conclusion, we conducted a reverse second-price auction to identify the
monetary value of private information to individuals and how that value is set.
Our results demonstrate that the more undesirable the trait with respect to the
group, whether perceived or actual, impacts the price demanded to reveal
private information.
These results also help explain the apparent paradox that individuals frequently
give away or sell a myriad of personal data in spite of their stated concerns
about privacy. Recent debates on privacy issues ranging from financial
information[23] to genetic and medical data[24,25] to surveillance[26] require
a careful consideration of how individuals choose to reveal their private
information. Our results, which highlight the strongly contextual nature of this
decision, also suggest possible ways that could be used in order to increase the
level of comfort that people experience when revealing private data.
Methods
Data Collection
In total 127 individuals (59% male), recruited through local colleges and
company mailing lists, participated in 10 separate sessions. Five of the sessions
were mixed gender, three were female only, and two were male only. In all
sessions we conducted the weight auction and for seven of the sessions the age
auction (88 participants, 57% male). The subjects were paid a nominal fee
($25) for their attendance plus auction earnings. In all auctions prices were
limited to a range of $0 - $100 as well as "infinity" to indicate that $100 would
not be enough for the individual to reveal information to others.
All subjects were given a randomly assigned identifier and no records were kept
linking individuals to this number. The experiment was fully explained to the
subjects and a consent form was signed. Subjects were free to leave or not
participate. Each auction form and the survey contained this ID. For the
weight auction, gender, height, price, and weight were collected. For age
auctions only age, gender and price were collected. The bid with the lowest
price was declared the winner (or a randomly selected bid if there was a tie).
Weight was validated through a scale and age through a driver's license. To
enforce truthful revelation, subjects were required to be within five pounds of
the weight listed on their bid forms.
Data Analysis
All "infinity" bids were recoded to a randomly selected number between $100
and $2000. The log of the price was used to prevent large variations. BMI was
calculated as weight (in Kg) / height2 (in cm). The Kruskal-Wallis ANOVA1 test
was used throughout as well as Tukey's Honestly Significantly Different (HSD)
test for pairwise comparisons of binned data.
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Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Sara Dubowsky, Mette Huberman, and Lada
Adamic for their useful comments and suggestions.