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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace:…

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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.

Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and Myspace: What Can We Learn About
          These Sites from Those Who Won't Assimilate?

              By Zeynep Tufekci, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

      This paper explores the rapid adoption of online social network sites (also known
      as social networking sites) (SNSs) by students on a U.S. college campus. Using
      quantitative (n=713) and qualitative (n=51) data based on a diverse sample of
      college students, demographic and other characteristics of SNS users and non-users
      are compared. Starting with the theoretical frameworks of Robin Dunbar and
      Erving Goffman, this paper situates SNS activity under two rubrics: 1) social
      grooming; and 2) presentation of the self. This study locates these sites within the
      emergence of social computing and makes a conceptual distinction between the
      expressive Internet, the Internet of social interactions, and the instrumental Internet,
      the Internet of airline tickets and weather forecasts. This paper compares and
      contrasts the user and non- user populations in terms of expressive and instrumental
      Internet use, social ties, and attitudes toward social- grooming, privacy, and
      efficiency. Two clusters are found to influence SNS adoption: attitudes towards
      social grooming and privacy concerns. We especially find that non-users display an
      attitude towards social grooming (gossip, small-talk, and generalized, non-
      functional people-curiosity) that ranges from incredulous to hostile. Contrary to
      expectations, non-users do not report a smaller number of close friends compared
      with users, but they do keep in touch with fewer people. Users of SNS are also
      heavier users of the expressive Internet, while there is no difference in use of
      instrumental Internet. Gender also emerges as an important predictor. These
      findings highlight the need to differentiate between the different modalities of
      Internet use.

      Keywords: social network sites, Dunbar, Goffman, presentation of self, social
      grooming, Internet, Facebook, Myspace


      Short Bio: Zeynep Tufekci is an assistant professor in the Department of
      Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Her
      research interests include social and cultural impacts of technology, gender,
      inequality, social networks, surveillance and privacy .

      Author's Note: The author would like to thank the editors of this issue, Keith
      Hampton and Barry Wellman, as well as the anonymous reviewers for their
      insightful and constructive comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Portions of
      this research were supported by the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at
      the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.



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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.

Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and Myspace: What Can We Learn About
          These Sites from Those Who Won't Assimilate?

    Social computing applications, led by social network(ing) sites (SNSs) like Facebook

and Myspace, have burgeoned in the past few years; scholarly research on the social

consequences of social computing has not caught up. A focus of past research has been

possible inequalities rising from the Internet's capacity to provide access to information,

jobs and economic mobility, education, access to government services and similar benefits

(Dimaggio et al., 2004). As Internet access has become near-universal, earlier concerns of

a digital divide have faded. Yet looking at Internet use in a fine-grained manner,

disaggregating specific modalities of practice, does reveal persistent divisions and

differences. The specific character of Internet use and socio-psychological disposition of

users can also influence social outcomes, even after controlling for demographics and total

Internet use (Livingstone, 2007; Zhao, 2006). It's not just the Internet but what you do with

it ­ and as well as who and what kind of person you are.

    The rise of social computing opens a new dimension of benefits (and harms) stemming

from differential use. These applications have the potential to create gaps in social capital

(Putnam, 2000), transform the role of weak ties (Granovetter, 1973) and shift the

boundaries between public and private.

    The rapid diffusion within a few years of SNSs invites two connected questions about

their adoption process. Why have these applications, which initially had little corporate

backing, no paid advertisements, and significant negative media attention, attracted so

many users so quickly? Conversely, even on college campuses, where access is rarely the

bottleneck, why has a small but seemingly persistent minority chosen not to adopt these
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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
technologies ­ and what can we learn from an analysis of these non-users? How do these

applications relate to the larger context of Internet use? Finally, what are the possible

social implications of use and non- use of these sites?



             Social Network(ing) Sites (SNSs) -- A Brief Overview
    These sites center around the profile, which for users is "a representation of their

sel[ves] (and, often, of their own social networks)-- to others to peruse, with the intention

of contacting or being contacted by others" (Gross, 2005). Boyd offers the following

definition: "A `social network site' is a category of websites with profiles, semi-persistent

public commentary on the profile, and a traversable publicly articulated social network

displayed in relation to the profile" (boyd, 2006a).

    The most prevalent examples of SNSs are Facebook, which started as a college site

and is still dominated by college users, and Myspace, which has always been open to the

general public. Multiple studies show that somewhere between 80 and 90 percent of all

college students have a profile on a SNS (Lampe et al., 2006; Gross, 2005; Stutzman,

2006a). All SNS allow users to articulate their social network via links between their

profile page and other profiles. Profiles linked to each other in this manner are called

friends. Profile owners also express an online persona through pictures, words, and page

composition, as well as through data fields where information ranging from favorite books

and movies to sexual orientation and relationship status (single, in a relationship, etc.) is

indicated.

    Partly due to the high level of offline-online integration (Ellison, 2007), students tend

to use their real names and engage in high levels of self- disclosure especially on Facebook


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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
(Tufekci, 2008). Facebook allows users to "tag" individuals on photographs uploaded to

the site, which means identifying the person in the photograph and thereby linking the

picture to that person's profile, and thus creating a searchable digital trail of a person's

social activities. A "news feed" feature shows what one's "friends" have been doing on the

site: a typical entry might read "Sally has Left a Message on Jim's Wall," or "Alice and

Bob are now friends." Users also provide status reports--"Mary has a headache from

studying for the organic chemistry exam!" All of this activity is framed by semi-public

comments people leave on each other's profiles ­ short salutations, humorous repartee, and

more. A profile on an SNS is not a static entity; rather, it is a locus of social interaction that

evolves and changes to reflect various dynamics within social networks and communities.


                                  Conceptualizing SNS
    I draw on the work of Robin Dunbar (1998), who proposed that gossip, people-

curiosity, and small talk, all of which are seemingly non-functional and are often popularly

understood as mere distraction or deviation, are in essence the human version of social

grooming in primates: an activity that is essential to forging bonds, affirming relationships,

displaying bonds, and asserting and learning about hierarchies and alliances. Dunbar

suggests that our seemingly insatiable appetite for gossip is neither a random, irrelevant

fact, nor simply a construction of a singular culture. While the particular forms of gossip

are entangled in culturally shaped constructions, ranging from celebrity gossip in our

mediated mass culture to daily chatting around the village well in a peasant society, gossip

in general can be seen as a corollary of our disposition towards sociality, which int egrally

involves figuring out where we and all others stand in relation to each other (Dunbar,

1998).

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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
     Social grooming should be seen as both a bonding activity and a competitive activity:

it is a means to improve one's reputation and status as well as access to resources and

social and practical solidarity. An inability, unwillingness or lack of talent in social

grooming activities may be of real detriment to a person's interests through a disadvantage

in accumulation of social capital, which can be understood as resources that accrue to an

individual through "more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and

recognition." (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992; Putnam, 2000)

     SNSs replicate many of the functions of gossip or social grooming: users display their

own bonds and observe those of others through profile "friends," leave semi-public

messages to each other (which serve mainly as acknowledgement), present a public self for

their community, and watch and participate as all others also engage in these activities in

an interlocked dance of community formation1 . At their core, these sites are about mutual

acknowledgement, status verification, and relationship confirmation (boyd, 2006a; boyd,

2006c).

     Much of the activity on a SNS can also be conceptualized as a form of presentation of

the self, in the sense of Goffman (1959). Users engage in impression management by

adjusting their profiles, linking to their friends, displaying their likes and dislikes, joining

groups, and otherwise adjusting the situated appearance of their profiles (boyd and Heer,

2006; Lampe et al., 2007; Tufekci, 2008).

     Dunbar's notion of social grooming and Goffman's concepts of the presentation of the

self and impression management are complementary aspects of the construction of the

social self. As Goffman articulated, "for a complete man to be expressed, individuals mus t



1 Donath (2007) has made a similar argument in a paper published while this article was under review.
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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
hold hands in a chain of ceremony" (Goffman, 1956). It is through social interaction and

socially embedded public or semi-public action that we affirm our relations, construct our

status and ultimately produce the social "me" in the sense proposed by Mead (1934).


                                Factors in SNS Adoption
     Given the recent rise of these sites, it is not surprising that there are relatively few

large-scale, quantitative, analyses of SNS use that incorporate details about users and non-

users, types of use, and possible consequences. However, existing research already finds

important social consequences as well as differences in access and usage. Due to the

limited amount of existing research on SNS, this study was developed in a two step

approach which involved incorporating early qualitative findings into the research design

in the latter stages.


EXPRESSIVE AND I NSTRUMENTAL INTERNET
   Previously, scholars have generally categorized Internet use under three broad

headings: commercial, informational and communicative uses (Kraut et al, 1999; Weiser,

2001). Following Petric (2006) and Zhao (2006), I suggest a related by somewhat different

division: between social and non-social uses, between the expressive internet and the

instrumental internet. By the expressive internet, I mean the practice and performance of

technologically mediated sociality: using the Internet to perform and realize social

interactions, self-presentation, public performance, social capital management, social

monitoring, and the production, maintenance and furthering of social ties. The expressive

internet should be recognized as "a social ecology involving other people, values, norms

and social contexts" (Petric, 2006). The instrumental internet, on the other hand, refers to

information seeking, knowledge gathering and commercial transactions on the Internet,
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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
and non-social communication involved in such transactions. This is the Internet of online

banking, shopping and checking the weather 2 .

     The expressive internet has been expanding rapidly, a process often described in the

popular press as the rise of social computing. Studies show that these tools have been

assimilated as a means of social interaction and social integration for increasing numbers

of people and communities (Quan-Haase, 2007; Haythornthwaite, 2005), and that people

are increasingly using the expressive internet in ways that complement or further their

offline sociality (Hampton, 2007; Hampton & Wellman, 2003; Wellman et al. 2001).

Given social grooming conceptualization of SNS proposed in this paper, users of SNS can

be expected to be interested in social uses of the Internet.

     RQ1: How does social network site usage fit with different types of Internet use as

well as total amount of use?


FRIENDSHIP AND S OCIAL TIES
    While these applications are designed in order to facilitate social interaction, there is

fairly little known about the strength of their impact on existing or potential social

relations. Ellison et al. (2007) found some differences in social capital formation among

college students depending on their intensity of Facebook use. The strongest association

they found was between Facebook use and bridging social capital, i.e. looser ties between

people situated in different, non-overlapping social groups. Such ties, also referred to as

weak ties, are crucially important in providing a window of access to opportunities outside

one's own immediate network (Granovetter, 1973). Due to the high levels of offline

integration (Ellison, 2007) SNSs could also promote strong ties.


2 As with any ideal typology, there will be activities that reside on the boundaries. People do chat about

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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
     RQ2: How does SNS use relate to number of friends kept in touch as well as to weak

or strong ties?

     People may differ in their inclination to view the Internet as a place for engaging in

social activities and friendship management. While some researchers have argued that

Internet has serious shortcomings for community and friendship building (Blanchard and

Horan, 1998), others find that it may facilitate interaction (Walther, 1996).

     RQ3: Do people's attitudes toward online sociality in general impact their SNS

adoption?


DEMOGRAPHICS AND PLACE O F R ESIDENCE
   Hargittai (2007), in one of the few academic publications concentrating on non-users

of SNS, provides a unique level of detail regarding the demographic and socio-economic

background of college level users and non- users of SNSs. Her findings were that

demographic and place of residence matter and that being female, not living with parents,

having ready Internet access and spending more time on the Internet were associated with

higher rates of SNS adoption. Gender remains a strong pivotal point. Although access and

total amounts of use have converged between genders, strong divergences in modalities of

use, in self-perceived and real skill levels, and in attitudes remain (Boneva, 2001; Hargittai

and Shafer, 2006; Jackson et al., 2001).

     RQ4 How do demographics and place of residence influence SNS adoption?


PRIVACY
    Another important consequence of SNS adoption concerns privacy. Participation in

these sites involves extensive self- disclosure (Tufekci, 2008) and may discourage those


products on Amazon and blog about the weather.
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Zeynep Tufekci. (Forthcoming). Grooming, Gossip, Facebook and MySpace: What Can
We Learn About These Sites From Those Who Won't Assimilate? Information,
Communication and Society.
who are concerned about privacy (Acquisti and Gross, 2006). While privacy controls exist

for most sites, a significant number of users do not employ them. This makes sense if, as I

argue, the purpose of using these sites is to be seen. Further, the privacy controls often

simply mean that only SNS "friends," who may number in the hundreds and thousands,

can access the profile. Most SNS users, especially college students, freely add most people

who ask to be "friended." There have already been many cases reported in the media about

negative consequences stemming from SNS posts, ranging from denied diplomas to lost

jobs.

    RQ5: How do students' privacy concerns impact their decision to join SNS?


SOCIAL G ROOMING

        While social grooming through language may well be an important human activity

(Dunbar, 1998 there is no reason to presuppose that everyone will be equally disposed to

such activity. Interest in exchanging and browsing social information about friends and

acquaintances, curiosity about people is likely to be related to interest in an application

specifically facilitates such activity.

        RQ6: How does general interest in social grooming relate to adoption of SNS?



                                          Methods

SAMPLE AND DATA COLLECTION
   This study reports results based a sample of college students in a diverse, mid-sized

public research university. The quantitative results (n=713) were collected at three points

in time (Spring and Fall of 2006 and Spring of 2007) and qualitative results (n=51) at two

(Spring and Fall of 2006).

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Communication and Society.
    The qua litative phase consisted of focus groups. Undergraduate respondents were

recruited through announcements in classes specifically excluding those in which the

survey was administered. The focus groups were divided into non- users (no profile), light

users (rarely checks the profile), medium- users (checks the profile couple of times a week)

and heavy users (checks and updates most everyday) in order to better gauge the consensus

beliefs of these subgroups (citation) and to understand the differences between users and

non-users. The interviews were transcribed and coded.

    The survey instrument was developed in light of the findings of the qualitative phase

and pre-tested with a group of non- users and users. The survey was then administered to

students enrolled in multiple sections of an introductory social science course, a popular

elective for fulfilling general education requirements. The survey was administered in

class, in a paper-and-pencil format.

    Questions were added to the survey after the first round of data collection, based on a

preliminary analysis of the first round results and further qualitative interviews. The

advantage of this approach was that this allowed for further probing based on data in an

area for which there was virtually no published research during the time of the study.

However, this incremental approach also introduces a weakness in that not all questions

were asked across all the samples. The data from the three rounds of survey data collection

were compared with regard to key variables, and there were no statistically significant

differences in racial or gender composition or in average age of the students. The sample

was thus combined for analysis for questions that were asked in all three rounds. Analysis

was performed separately for questions tha t were asked only in later rounds. While I don't




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Communication and Society.
have any reason to suspect that the six- month apart samples differed in any key aspects, it

must be kept in mind that some analyses are in effect from a different, later sample.

    Demographic characteristics of the sample are described in Table 1.




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Communication and Society.

Table 1 Demographics of the Combined Sample

                                      Percent of the Sample
                                            (n=713)
Gender
 Female                                                52.6
 Male                                                  47.4

Race / Ethnicity
 White                                                 45.2
 African-American                                      12.7
 Hispanic                                               2.3
 Asian-American                                        31.2
 Other                                                  8.6

Grade
 Freshman                                              44.7
 Sophomore                                             28.9
 Junior                                                19.2
 Senior                                                 9.2

Social Network Site (SNS)
  User                                                 85.4
  Non-User                                             14.6



     The combined sample was generally representative of the undergraduate population of

the university, as the targeted class was a popular choice to fulfill mandatory requirements.

Women were somewhat overrepresented (52.6%, as opposed to 44.0% in the university as

a whole). The school reports minority enrollment of 41 percent, arrived at by aggregating

African-American, Hispanic and Asian-American students, leaving 59 percent as

combined sum of white and "other" ­ the similar total in the sample was 53.8. Thus, white

students might potentially be somewhat underrepresented, although it is not possible to

ascertain this for certain. The sample had a significant portion of first-year students

(44.0%), who tend to be heavy users of social network sites. Students, to the degree they

had declared majors, ranged from humanities and social sciences to engineering and

physical sciences and were not concentrated in any particular major.

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M EASURES AND VARIABLES
   To address the relationship between SNS usage and maintenance of social ties, the

students were asked how many friends they kept in touch with at least once a week

(Weekly Friends). (The response options were 0-5, 6-10, 11-16 friends a week, etc.). A

subsample was about their ties. We distinguished the strength of the tie (Marsden and

Campbell, 1984) by asking about the number of people to whom they felt very close (Very

Close Ppl) and the number of people to whom they felt somewhat close (Somewhat Close

Ppl). Following previous research on social networks, Somewhat Close was defined to

include those who are more than acquaintances but less than those who are very close.

    The instrument also measured the amount of daily internet use (Daily Internet) and

whether students used Instant Messaging at all (Uses IM). Daily Internet was measured in

intervals of 30 minutes, topping at three hours or more. Similar to previous research on

SNS (Ellison, 2007; Hargittai, 2007) place of residence was controlled by asking students

if they lived in dormitorie s (Lives Dorm).

    Students were asked whether they thought that a person could have a close friendship

with someone they know only through online methods in order to gauge the impact of a

general disposition toward online sociality. Students were also asked about their level of

concern with online privacy (Privacy) with options ranging from 1=not concerned at all to

4=very concerned.

    Questions used to probe the types Internet activities were adapted largely from the

Pew Internet & American Life Project which been ongoing for many years. The selected

questions were used in multiple Pew surveys, including the "Parents and Teens " survey of

2004 which used these questions for both to teenagers and adults (Lenhart & Madden,

2005). However, unlike the Pew survey, which asked whether the activity was performed
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at all, this instrument asked about the frequency, coded from very often to never (4 to 1).

Table 2 lists the wording of these questions as well as means and standard deviations for

responses from the total sample.




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Table 2: Internet Practices among College Students


                 EXPRESSIVE                                       INSTRUMENTAL
                                            Std.                                                Std.
           Question                Mean     Dev                Question               Mean      Dev
                                                    Look for health, dieting, or
Send or read email                 3.805   .486     physical fitness information       2.202     .895
                                                    online
Send or receive instant                             Go online to get news or
messages                           3.391   .946     information about current          3.079     .846
                                                    events
Send or receive text                                Look for news or
                                   3.128   1.058                                       2.429    1.016
messages using a cell phone                         information about politics
Go online for no reason at                          Look for religious or
all, just for fun or to pass the   3.632   .687     spiritual information online       2.127     .875
time
Read Blogs of Other People                          Look for information about a
                                   2.386   1.083                                       2.321     .946
                                                    job online
Go online to create or work                         Go online to get information
on your own web page                                about a college, university or
                                   1.761   1.003                                       2.890     .911
                                                    other school you were/are
                                                    thinking about attending
                                                    Go to web sites about
                                                    movies, TV shows, music
                                                                                       2.431    1.085
                                                    groups, or sports stars you
                                                    are interested in
                                                    Look for information online
                                                    about a health topic that's
                                                    hard to talk about, like drug      1.751     .905
                                                    use, sexual health, or
                                                    depression
                                                    Buy things online, such as         2.213     .724
                                                    books, clothing or music
                                                    Go online to do school work        3.511     .608
                                                    or research
Scale: Very Often (4)= Everyday or Almost Everyday; Sometimes (3) =Once a Week or So; Rarely (2) =
Once a Month or So; and Never(1).




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    Items that corresponded to social interaction, self- expression, communication or

entertainment were aggregated into a variable called Expressive, and those that

corresponded to informational and commercial uses to a variable called Instrumental.

Expressive thus comprised the use of email, instant messaging, send ing or receiving text

messages, go ing online just for fun, reading blogs, and working on a personal web page.

Instrumental included purchasing things online, doing school work, looking for health and

fitness information, news, politics, job searching, going online to look up a college,

looking up websites of movies and seeking information about health issues. Online games

were excluded because interviews revealed the complicated nature of games, ranging from

very social to very insulating (Steinkuehler & Williams, 2006). The Instrumental scale,

summing nine variables with a maximum value of 36, had a mean of 22.4 and a standard

deviation of 4.4 (Cronbach's alpha=.74). The Expressive scale, summing five variables

with a maximum value of 20, had a mean of 14.2 and a standard deviation of 3

(Cronbach's alpha=.66).

    Social Grooming: Since there were no existing scales that measure social grooming,

eight questions that closely followed social grooming themes of people-curiosity, social

interaction and keeping in touch (Dunbar, 1998) were created. Efficiency: Also, non-users

strongly suggested in interviews that they believed efficiency was the main motivation for

SNS use, five questions measur ing interest in efficiency on and off the Internet were

added. Since these questions were derived using preliminary results, they were asked only

of a sub-sample of the students in the later waves (listwise N=498). These questions are

shown and analyzed in Table 4.




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                                         Analysis and Findings

PREDICTORS OF SNS USE
      To model the odds a person would become an SNS user, I ran three logistic

regressions (Table 3). In our first model, our predictors were female (dummy coded), age

(ranging from 18 to 25+), dorm residence (dummy coded), amount of time spent on the

Internet, number of friends kept in touch with every week, Instant Message use (dummy

coded user or not), Expressive Internet Use scale and Instrumental Internet Use scale. In

the second model, I added number of close friends and somewhat close friends, and in the

third model, I added a variable indicating whether the student believed friendship through

only online methods was possible (dummy coded as possible or not).

Table 3: Logistic Regression Results: Odds Ratio (eB) of using a Social Network Site. 3

                                     Model One                Model Two                 Model Three

                                  Uses           P          Uses           P         Uses           P
                                  SNS          Value        SNS          value        SNS         Value
Female                           4.191***        .000      5.021***        .000     4.987***        .000
Age                               .867           .086       .836           .077      .837           .081
Lives Dorm                       1.725           .105      1.245           .573     1.235           .589
Internet Per Day                 1.022           .886      1.108           .543     1.130           .477
Weekly Friends                   1.257*          .031      1.340*          .050     1.333*          .054
Uses IM                           .680           .357       .474           .153      .464           .143
Online Privacy Concern            .709*          .027       .667*          .029      .666*          .029
Expressive                       1.464***        .000      1.486***        .000     1.493***        .000
Instrumental                      .950           .176       .928           .110      .923           .094
No of Very Close People                                    1.031           .878     1.036           .860
Somewhat Close People                                      1.049           .734     1.051           .727
Online Friendship                                                                    .787           .512
Baseline odds (constant)         1.570           .828      2.945           .683     3.093           .669

Cox and Snell R2                    .19                       .21                    .22
N                                   506                       369                      363
*Significant at .05 **Significant at .01 ***Significant at 0.001 Marginally significant (0.10 > p > 0.5)


3 Since not all questions were asked in all samples, and since not all subjects answered all the questions, the
N for the models varies. Specifically, number of close friends was asked to a subsample of subjects. Running
model one specifically for the subsample used in model two and three revealed no substantive differences in
the results.
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Amount and Type of Internet Use
     The total amount of time a student used the Internet in general was not linked to the

likelihood of SNS use. In the interviews, non-users of SNS indicated that they felt

comfortable using the Internet. Similarly, use of instant messaging, another popular

method of communication, was not associated with a change in the odds of becoming an

SNS user.

       However, while the total amount of Internet use was similar between non- users and

users, the manner of Internet use mattered significantly. In the interviews, non-users of

SNS also reported Internet use concentrated around practical needs: online banking,

shopping, researching and such. Quantitative results confirmed that the use of the Internet

for expressive purposes was highly significant in predicting SNS use, while use of the

Internet for instrumental purposes was not.

       Our interviews revealed that the differences in disposition towards Internet use

persisted even when non-users of SNS were employing expressive applications. To the

degree they used social network sites, they had specific objectives ­ looking up musical

groups, finding ideas on fashion and makeup, and so on. The interviews revealed that the

non-SNS-users could understand looking something up, but not necessarily looking around

just for fun. One non-user confessed that the constant pressure to join these sites had her

seriously considering whether she should: "I'm not going to do it because what's in it for

me? Nothing." This pattern was also observed in other mediated methods: one student

expressed, with the understanding that she knew this was out of the ordinary, that she

checked email only when she knew someone was going to email her.




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Social Ties and Online Sociality

       In interviews, SNS non- users emphatically stated that they had friends in their lives

and were involved in social interactions with people around them. As can be seen in all the

models in Table 3, the number of frie nds students kept in touch with weekly was

significantly associated with SNS use. However, in our third model, I added the number of

close or somewhat close friends and found no association between SNS usage and numbers

of close friends. Also, in model three, I added a dichotomous variable which indicated

whether or not the student students believed close friendship could be achieved through

online interaction alone. This variable was also not statistically significant.


Privacy Concerns :

    In the interviews, the non-users were often concerned with online privacy, but they did

not see online SNS as dangerous. Many pointed out that disclosure on these sites was

voluntary: "But if you don't put it on there, no one can find it." Another compared it to

threats in real life: "Some random person from the mall could follow you home, that's way

more dangerous than someone tracking you down on the Internet." In line with previously

reported results (Tufekci, 2008), the logistic regressions did show that higher online

privacy concerns somewhat lowered the odds that a student would use SNS.


Demographics and other characteristics:
   Gender was the strongest predictor in the model and the only demographic variable

that was statistically significant. In all the models, the odds of a woman using SNSs were

four to five times the odds of a man.




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    Living in dorms was not associated with an increased likelihood of using SNS. While

age appeared to be marginally significant, I found that the significance of age declined

with each round of data collection, suggesting that this effect may have been an artifact of

the spread of SNS initially among a younger population.


SOCIAL GROOMING, EFFICIENCY, AND SNS USERS AND NON-USERS

    In the interviews, a majority of the SNS users talked about how much they enjoyed

learning about their friends' and even strangers' lives. Especially the heavy users

expressed that their use of these sites was partially driven by their curiosity about how

people from their pasts were doing or whether they had changed. Some students also

reported "getting lost" in social networking, continually checking profile after profile,

leaving message after message. One student talked about how receiving messages made

her feel good, so she tried to leave messages to extend the good feeling to her friends. The

important element in this interaction was not the content of the message, but the act of

leaving the message as a means of acknowledging the other person.

    Among non-users of SNSs, a very different response emerged. The idea of SNSs as

fun did not seem comprehensible to the non-users. They were all familiar with these sites,

and all had been asked by their friends to join. But why they should want to use them was

just not clear. One non- user remarked how her friends would check out other people's

profiles and sighed, "I don't understand what people get out of looking at other people's

profile. Live your life."

    Non-users generally reported that that they did not find it interesting to keep up with

friends from their past. One student was somewhat exasperated: "People from my high

school would try to find me. ... I had 39 pending friendship requests. I looked at the list and
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I knew five of these people. Five. Who the hell are you? Why are you bothering me? I

haven't seen you in seven years, if I've seen you at all."

    Non-users expressed that they also did not understand why people are so curious about

people they don't know, commenting about not just about social networking sites, but life

in general. There was a spirited discussion about how confusing, and stupid, they found it

that many of their friends followed the lives of celebrities, or gossiped about people they

hardly knew. One said in a mocking voice, to approving nods: "Look at what Katie did this

weekend, she's with who now? ... sighs ... You don't even know this person."

       These differences are clearly visible in Table 4, where the responses to questions

clustered around social grooming, especially regarding curiousity about other people,

people from one's past, and enjoyment of keeping in touch with friends were significantly

different between users and non- users. SNS users were also more likely to enjoy socia l

events and reported being more outgoing. However, shyness or enjoyment of meeting new

people were not significantly different between the two groups. The differences between

the groups were more about how and how much to keep in touch with existing friends ­ be

they weak or strong ties.




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Table 4: T-tests comparing Social Grooming and Efficiency Disposition Between users
             and non-users of SNS

                                            N        Mean    P value

SOCIAL GROOMING
  I am curious about other          User    443       3.12       .037
           people's lives**
                                 Non-User       86    2.93
 I like keeping in touch with       User    443       3.46       .006
                     friends**
                                 Non-User       86    3.24
 I am curious about people          User    446       3.13       .001
           from my past ***
                                 Non-User             2.82
             I am outgoing*         User    449       3.19       .023
                                 Non-User       86    2.98
    I like to follow trends***      User    445       2.43       .001
                                 Non-User       85    2.11
       I do not enjoy social        User    439       1.81       .013
                    events*
                                 Non-User       85    2.08
                    I am shy        User    446       2.43       .819
                                 Non-User       86    2.45
  I like meeting new people         User    446       3.32       .116
                                 Non-User       86    3.17

EFFICIFENCY
I am worried about wasting          User    445       2.29       .130
       time on the internet
                                 Non-User       86    2.10
    I value efficiency highly       User    441       3.44       .421
                                 Non-User       86    3.50
   I am a very busy person          User    442       3.13       .405
                                 Non-User       86    3.21
         I am usually bored         User    442       2.32       .398
                                 Non-User       86    2.23
     I am always in a hurry         User    443       2.50       .594
                                 Non-User       85    2.55




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Efficiency
     When asked about what they thought drew people to SNSs, the consensus theory

among non-users was efficiency ­ people must be using these sites as a time-saver. One

non-user suggested that, as college students, they were all very busy, and SNSs were

"more and more taking the work out of meeting people. If you are a college student you

have many things to do and it's cutting one element out and also giving you the benefit you

desire." While SNS users did mention the efficiencies of SNSs, such as being able to find

classmates to get notes for missed classes, or updating large numbers of people quickly on

developments in one's life, for most users of these sites, the main theme was one of

satisfaction derived from social interaction and observation itself.

    I tested the efficiency/time-crunch hypothesis with multiple questions and found that

this was not the difference between the users and non-users, no matter how the question

was phrased. Questions such as "I value efficiency highly," "I am always in a hurry," "I

am worried about wasting time on the Internet," "I am a very busy person," and "I am

usually bored" produced similar responses across both sub-groups (Table 4).


Self-Presentation
     The non-users also did not like the idea of engaging in presentation of self through

these sites. One remarked, shaking her head: "America is so self-obsessed. They are so

about `look at me. Look how I cool I look in this dress I'm wearing right now drinking

with my friends. Check out how long this beer-bong cable is.' I don't understand it."

Another complained that people were just fishing for affirmation: "People will out-and-out

lie on their profile. `My favorite movie is this movie; my favorite band is this band.' I've

been friends with you for ten years and I've never in my life heard you listen to that band.


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You are just saying so that people will look at your profile and will say, `Oh man, that is so

cool. That's cool.'"

    One non-user remarked: "They are wasting their talents. They should be paid for that

kind of work." Once again, engaging in this kind of activity without a direct goal, such as

making money, seemed hard to comprehend for this group.


ARE THE NON- USERS DISAPPEARING?
   While the number of non-users decreased from 17.1 percent to 12.5 percent during the

sampling time frame, the differences were not statistically significant (Table 5). The

percent of female users remained steady across the three time periods (9 percent of women

were nonusers in all three waves) while men steadily increased their participation (26% of

the men in the first wave, 21.7 in the second wave, and 15.4 in the last wave were non-

users).


Table 5: SNS site usage over time.

                           Wave One           Wave Two          Wave Three        Total
User                       17.1%                  14.5%              12.5%       15.1%
Non-User                   82.9%                  85.5%              87.5%       84.9%
(?=1.896, Asymp. two-sided p=0.388)


LIMITATIONS
   This study examined a purposive sample of undergraduate college students. Since the

data in this paper is from a purposive sample, this limits the generalizability of the results.

The study also represents data collection in more than one point in time and some of the

questions were only asked of subsamples. In effect, this can be seen as related subsequent

studies. Causal assertions cannot be made, as the data is cross-sectional in nature.



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                             Discussion and Conclusions
    Contrary to the perceptions of non-users, SNS adoption does not seem to be about

efficiencies, or yet another shortcut in the students' busy lives. The students who do not

use SNSs are neither hermits, nor socially isolated, nor fearful of the Internet. However,

the non-users are less interested in activities that can be conceptualized as social grooming.

    Also contrary to what one might expect, the non-users reported similar numbers of

very close and somewhat close friends as compared with SNS users. However, the number

of friends one kept in touch with weekly was significantly higher among SNS users.

Keeping in touch may be conceptualized partially as a form of social grooming. Even if

social grooming is essential to the functioning of complex societies, it may be that not

engaging in it as much as other people do is not harmful to a small minority of individuals'

capacity for maintaining friendship.

    In fact, the lack of overlap between instant message non-use and SNS non- use shows

that SNS non- users are not reticent toward communicating via the Internet; nor are they

closed to the possibility of genuine social interaction through online methods. It is the

social browsing (Lampe et al, 2006) and social grooming functions of SNSs that they are

less interested in. Conversely, activities which can be grouped under these headings were

often mentioned as among the most attractive features of SNSs in interviews with users.

    The most significant predictor of SNS use in the logistic models, besides gender, was

the tendency to use the Internet for expressive purposes: reading blogs, creating web pages,

emailing, etc. Importantly, there was no relationship with instrumental uses of the Internet,

such as information seeking and commercial transactions. This result highlights the need to

differentiate between the different modalities of Internet practices.


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    In the interviews, non-users confessed to disinterest in and bafflement by social

grooming activities and this was demonstrated in the quantitative analysis. Non-users

might understand why one might sit in a sidewalk café with a friend and chat, but not

comprehend why one would spend hours there simply to watch people go by, see who is

sitting with whom, and observe how others interact among themselves. It was as if the non-

users were people without a sense of smell, wondering why others buy expensive water

with which to squirt themselves. Why waste so much money? People must like the shape

of the bottle, they might imagine.

    The combined analysis of quantitative and qualitative results suggests two principal

clusters that influence SNS adoption among undergraduate students: disposition towards

social grooming and privacy concerns. Our sample of non- users was too small to perform

factor analysis to model these clusters. They may represent different groups of non- users,

or they may overlap partially or totally.




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